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Chapter 5
Maligning Jats
Unfortunately
Jakobsh doesn’t know when to stop. Nor does she reflect for a moment on what
she is writing! First, according to her, British colonists used the
low status of Indian women as an excuse to assert their moral superiority over
Indians: “Higher morality of the imperialists and superiority of Western
ideology was sought to be effectively established by accentuating the low
status of Indian women.”1 Later her Eurocentric mind uses
this "imperialist argument"
to malign the Sikh Jats. So much
so that she pursues the question of female infanticide further by bringing the
entire Jat community under purview of her discussion. Using as evidence an interpolated
passage in the revised edition of Cunningham’s History of the Sikhs and the
Kissa (poetic narration of love story) of Hir and Ranjha she declares Jats as “daughter killers,”2 while earlier
she had described Jats as egalitarian people who practised gender equality:3
The ensuing
association between Jats and female infanticide can be clearly seen in the
famous Punjabi saga Hir and Ranjha. In its most illustrious version associated
with bard Waris Shah (1978:44), the various methods utilized in the killing of
infant daughters were spelled out. They included strangulation, poisoning,
drowning and suffocation.2
Shah (quoted by
Garret in Cunningham 1990: viii) goes on to lament the usurpation of prestige
and power by this socially insignificant caste group:
Thieves have become the leaders of men.
Harlots have
become mistresses of the household.
The company of
devil has multiplied exceedingly.
The state of the
noble is pitiable.
Men of menial
birth flourish and the peasants are in great prosperity.
The Jats have
become masters of our country.
Everywhere there
is a new Government.4
Jakobsh uses the Kissa of Hir and Ranjha to malign the Sikh Jats. One wonders if Jakobsh knows
that Waris Shah, the author of Kissa, was a Muslim just like the hero of the folktale,
Ranjha and its heroine Hir. Besides, she is ignorant of the
context in which Shah has described the homicidal methods: There is an argument
back and forth between Hir and her parents about her love affair with Ranjha,
the family’s cattle herder. They try to persuade Hir to forget about Ranjha and
marry Saida, the son of a well-to-do landlord. But Hir refuses to budge from
her love for Ranjha. Having failed to persuade her, her father takes out his
frustration by telling his wife (on page 45 of author’s copy of Hir Waris Shah), “Why didn’t you kill this girl
when she was born by strangulation or poisoning or drowning?” Now, such methods
of killing are not specific for female infanticide; in fact any criminal can utilize
these methods to commit murder. Moreover, Shah does not say anywhere in the Kissa that these methods were used by
Jats to commit infanticide or kill women. Why would Jakobsh take on
such a folktale to go after the Sikh Jats?
There is another serious
problem here: Jakobsh has concealed the reason why in 1915, Garrett inserted
this passage under the name of Waris
Shah in the revised edition of History of
the Sikhs by J. D. Cunningham, which was first published in 1849.
Cunningham had spent eight years (1838-1846) in close contact with Sikhs as an
official of the East India Company, and he held high opinion of the Sikhs and
their religion. Cunningham divulged in the first edition that the British were
insincere in their dealings with the Sikhs and usurped the Sikh kingdom through
treacherous means. This is how his younger brother Peter Cunningham described
the treatment meted out to his brother by his superiors for telling the truth:
“The author fell
victim to the truth related in this book. He wrote history in advance of his
time, and suffered for it; but posterity will, I feel assured, do justice to
his memory.”5
In the 1915 edition of History of the Sikhs, H.L.O. Garrett
plucked out the passages that the British found objectionable and
instead inserted another under the name of Waris Shah to depict Sikhs as
depraved people, thereby justifying British actions against the Sikhs:
The author gives
a somewhat turgid description of battles of war¾indeed, the language in the
account of the battle of Sobraon reminds one of the story of the battle in
poems of Mr. Robert Montgomery¾and he concludes
his narrative by some general remarks upon English policy in India. From the
latter I have removed some passages which are not only injudicious but which
have been stultified by the march of events.6
Here are some other facts to consider about the passage under Shah’s name inserted by Garrett in the 1915 edition of Cunningham’s History Of The Sikhs:
1. I have in my possession Hir Waris Shah in Gurmukhi script with
335 pages published in the 1950s by Bhai Jawahar Singh Kirpal Singh and Co.
Upon comparing the questionable paragraph in Hir Waris Shah (p.332) with
the passage inserted by Garrett in the revised edition of Cunningham’s History of the Sikhs, I find major
differences between the two. For example: There is no mention of “Peasants are
in great prosperity. The Jats have become masters of our country. Everywhere
there is a new Government.” Moreover, in the entire passage there is no mention
of the word “Jat.”
2. Most probably, Waris Shah
(1730 or 1738-1790?) talks of the lawlessness and anarchy that had taken hold
over Punjab, not about Sikhs. In 1739, Nadir Shah’s conquest of the province of
Lahore shattered government administrative machinery and ravaged the
countryside bringing destruction, desolation and disorder all around.7 This was followed by seven invasions of Ahmad
Shah Abdali from 1748 to 1769, which played havoc on the countryside and rendered
the Mughal government ineffective.8 On the top of this were
lightening attacks by the Sikhs on government headquarters all over Punjab.
3. It is well known that there have been deletions as well
as interpolations in Punjabi kissas including
Hir Waris Shah. Moreover, here we are
dealing with people (colonists) who had justified slavery, colonization, and
genocide of native populations on the pretext of saving the “soul of heathens”
and “civilizing the savages,” thus turning the meaning of civilized “upside
down.” In all likelihood these lines about
Jats were interpolated in Hir Waris Shah
at the behest of the British to malign the Sikhs. It is also intriguing that
Shah Mohammed (1780-1862) who wrote Anglo-Sikh
War (Angraijan Te Singhan Di Larai) in 1847 soon after the 1845-46
Anglo-Sikh War, did not blame the British or make mention of the treachery of
Lal Singh, Tej Singh and Gulab Singh. Instead, he lays the entire blame for the
war on Rani Jindan.9 The British had also implanted other stories (sakhis) in hagiographic literature which stated that Guru Teg Bahadur and Guru Gobind Singh had prophesied
the British conquest of India:
One day, as
Guru Teg Bahadur was in the top story of his prison, the Emperor Aurangzeb
thought he saw him looking towards the south in the direction of Imperial
zenana. He was sent for the next day, and charged with grave breach of Oriental
etiquette and propriety. The Guru replied, ‘Emperor Aurangzeb, I was on the top
story of my prison, but I was not looking at thy private apartments or any
queens. I was looking in the direction of the Europeans who are coming from
beyond the sea to tear down thy pardas and destroy thine empire.’ Sikh writers
state that these words became the battle-cry of the Sikhs in the assault on the
mutineers in Dihli (Delhi) in 1857, under General John Nicholson, and thus the
prophesy of the ninth Guru was gloriously fulfilled.
When it was
represented to Guru Gobind Singh that a Muhammadan army would eventually come
to overpower his Sikhs, he replied, ‘What God willeth shall take place. When
the army of the Muhammadans cometh, my Sikhs shall strike steel on steel. The
Khalsa shall then awake, and know the play of battle. Amid the clash of arms
the Khalsa shall be partners in present and future bliss, tranquillity,
meditation, and divine knowledge. Then shall the English come, and, joined by
the Khalsa, rule as well in the East as in the West. The holy Baba Nanak will
bestow wealth on them. The English shall possess great power and by force of
arms take possession of many principalities. The combined armies of the English
and the Sikhs shall be very powerful, as long as they rule with united
councils. The empire of the British shall vastly increase, and they shall in
every way obtain prosperity. Wherever they take their armies they shall conquer
and bestow thrones on their vassals. Then in every house shall be wealth, in
every house religion, in every house learning, and in every house happiness.’10
4. When Shah wrote his work in 1768 C.E. (Hijri 1180), the population of Sikhs was minuscule in comparison to the population of Muslims and Hindus. Even after the Sikhs had ruled Punjab for roughly 90 years, in the 1868 Punjab census conducted by the British, the Sikh population constituted only 6.5%.11 Therefore one must ask: If Sikhs were so bad, as portrayed in the passage attributed to Shah by Garrett, how then could such a small community defeat three formidable foes--the Afghan invaders, the Mughal government and the “defenders of the caste system?”
5. Besides, if Shah did
write this passage against Sikhs then it isn’t difficult to understand why he
was so upset over the defeat of the Mughal government! Indian Muslims have two main
social divisions: Ashraf, or noble that includes descendants of foreign born
Muslims and converts from higher Hindu castes and, Ajlaf, or common people,
converts from lower Hindu castes.12 Shah was a Syed Muslim who had
nothing but contempt for women and lower castes, particularly Jats. In his Kissa, he never misses the opportunity
to downgrade Jats by putting down Ranjha who was a Jat. Shah used
stereotypes to malign Jats, women, and the people of lower castes.
Probably he was a descendant of a Brahman or a Khatri who had converted
to Islam. Brahmans and Khatris who converted to Islam were accommodated among
Ashraf Muslims through titles like Syed or Khan. There is a clue in his
writing about his possible Hindu ancestry:
The son of a
sweeper (chuhra) cannot become a Syed
like the son of a sheep cannot become a horse. O Waris Shah, the sons of
barbers, shoemakers and millers never become fakirs (hermits).
Waris Shah, Hir Waris Shah, p. 36.
Waris Shah,
people would laugh if a chuhra
(sweeper) wrestles with a Khatri (Kshatriya).
Waris Shah, Hir Waris Shah, p. 239.
A cursory reading of Hir Waris Shah reveals that it is
replete with derogatory remarks and stereotypes against women (pp. 31, 239,
258-259), lower castes (pp. 181, 239) and Jats (pp. 107, 185, 197, 316). In the entire work, Shah mentions Sikhs only twice, once in a derogatory manner and, the other indirectly when he grieves over the conquest of Kasur by Sikhs. While
describing various gurus, he says kesadharis
(who keep unshorn hair on head) have ten Gurus.
Kesadharis have ten Gurus, as Kado
(Hir’s uncle) is the guru of impostors who disguise themselves in unusual modes of clothing.
Waris Shah, Hir Waris Shah, p. 187.
6. In the first half of the
eighteenth century, we see the Mughal authorities and their collaborators¾the “defenders of the caste
system” unleash a reign of systematic murder of
the Sikhs. There were frequent bloody battles between the Sikhs and their
opponents resulting in two major massacres of the Sikhs better known as the big and
small ghalugharas (holocausts), and
Nadir Shah and Ahmad Shah Abdali’s hideous and devastating invasions of India.
Given all this bloodshed, Shah is silent about it. However, he grieves over the conquest of the city of Kasur, the birthplace of his murshid (spiritual guide) by the Sikhs.
Out of the whole of Punjab, the land of waters, I am very sorry about Kasur.
Waris Shah, Hir Waris Shah, p. 332.
Notwithstanding what Waris
Shah said in the passage (p.332), which may or may not be about Sikhs, other
Muslim writers paid tribute to the “Sikh character.” In contrast to Waris Shah,
Bulleh Shah (1680-1758 C.E.)13 deeply felt the pain of the carnage
in Punjab. He condemned the bigotry
of Muslims, tyranny of the caste system and atrocities of the Mughal rulers. He
applauded the martyrdom of Guru Tegh Bahadur by calling him gazi (p. 9). He echoed Guru Gobind
Singh’s proclamation that his one Sikh will fight a legion and his sparrow will
tear apart the hawk:
The rabbits ate
the hawks and the sparrows tore apart the goshawks. The ones clad in course
blankets became the rulers and the rulers became beggars.
Bulleh Shah, p.
9.
I am not talking
about the past or future, I am talking about the present. Had there been no
Guru Gobind singh, everyone would have been circumcised.
Bulleh Shah, p.
pp. 9-10.
The Mughals got
intoxicated with poison (political power and immorality). The ones clad in
coarse blankets became rajas. All the Ashrafs
(noble Muslim) are now silent. Why did not they protest what the Mughal
rulers were doing?
Bulleh Shah, p.
12.
I grew up hearing the
following couplet attributed to Bulleh Shah. When a price was fixed on the head
of a Sikh in the early eighteenth century, Sikhs took shelters in jungles and
in the desert of Rajasthan. After his meeting with Sikhs in the jungle, Bulleh
Shah wrote:
They fight
battles, sing praises of God and have free Langar (community kitchen). Bullah
is pleased with them and so is God.
When Nadir Shah’s army
looted Punjab from Peshawar to Ravi, pillaging village after village, Bulleh
Shah recoiled with pain:
The door of hell
is open to let out loud weeping and wailing. Punjab has been ruined utterly.
Bulleh Shah, p.
13.
Similarly, Qazi Nur Mohammed
who witnessed the battle between Ahmad Shah Abdali and the Sikhs in 1764 C.E.
observed that Sikhs were the “beau ideal of a human being and were popular
among the people of Punjab.” It is noteworthy that he mentioned “people of
Punjab,” not Hindus or Muslims. Further on he made telling remarks about the
character of Sikhs in his testimony:
a.
Sikhism is distinct from Hinduism.
b.
The Sikhs never kill a coward and do not obstruct one who flees from
the field. They seldom resort to cold-blooded murder even of their enemies.
c. They respect the chastity
of woman as part of their faith and honour, and adultery does not exist among
them. They do not rob a woman of her gold and ornaments, may she be a queen or
a slave girl.
d.
They never resort to stealing and no thief exists among them and they do
not keep company with an adulterer or a thief.
e.
When in festivities, they surpass Hatim in
generosity.14
Additionally, Professor
Mohammed Iqbal, the twentieth century renowned poet and Islamic scholar attributed
the victory of Khalsa forces (Sikhs) over Muslim rulers to the Sikh character
and spirit:
Khalsa
shamsheero Quran ra burd,
Andrin Kishwar Mussakmani namurd.15
The Khalsa took away the sword and Quran from the Muslims and shattered the dreams of Muslim conquest.
In other words, it was their faith, the very Nanakian philosophy (Gurmat) that inspired the Sikhs to fight with dogged determination.
7. It was the plundering of India by Nadir Shah of Persia and repeated invasions by Ahamd Shah Abdali of Afghanstan that increased the prestige and popularity of Sikhs among the people of Punjab. After defeating the Mughals at Karnal, Nadir Shah ravaged Delhi and collected a huge booty, including the bejeweled Peacock Throne, the famous Koh-i-Noor diamond (the mountain of light) and thousands of men and women as slaves. For his return journey in 1739, he chose to travel via the foot of Himalayas to avoid the scorching heat in the plains. That suited the Khalsa very well, who deprived him of a part of the haul including Indian artisans and women. The Khalsa started harassing Nadir Shah’s booty-laden forces right from their entry into Punjab down to Indus. They deprived him of a large part of plunder including men and women, without facing Nadir Shah’s army in an open combat. When apprised of the character of the Khalsa whose “houses were their saddles,” Nadir Shah perceptibly told Zakaria Khan, “The day is not distant when these rebels will take possession of the country.” The exploits of the Khalsa against Nadir Shah endeared them to the people and greatly added to their prestige and influence, especially when they restored to Hindus and Muslims their womenfolk taken by Nadir Shah’s forces as spoils of war.16
Repeated invasions of Ahmad Shah Abdali created unparalleled chaos and anarchy, a high degree of economic and public insecurity and personal tragedy for the population, irrespective of caste, creed or religion. An adage coined during that period is still remembered in Punjab:
khada
pita lahe da, rehnda Ahmad Shahe da.
Whatever
one can eat or drink is profitable; the rest belongs to Ahmad Shah.17
In the face
of such horrible conditions the Khalsa rose to challenge the invaders and
rescue men and women from their clutches, which rightly won the hearts of
the people and gave birth to a popular lore:
chaie
ke run gaee Basre nun, ke mori baba dang walia Sardara.
O dear Sardar brother with a daang
(strong wooden club), please bring back my woman from Basra¾ alluding to the abduction and sale of Indian women
at Basra market, and appealing to the Sikh armed brother to retrieve them.18
8. This chapter will be
incomplete if I fail to highlight the contradictory statements Jakobsh wrote
about the Jats. Read it for yourself:
The earliest
sources depicting the pastoral Jats made specific mention of a disposition of
equality between men and women. The traveller Hiuen Tsang noted in the seventh
century:
By the side of
river Sindh, along the flat marshy lowlands for some thousand li, there are several hundreds of
thousands (a very great many) families settled. … They give themselves to
tending cattle and from this drive their livelihood. … They have no masters, and whether men or women, have neither rich nor
poor [italics mine].3
Then later on in the same
chapter she says that Jats are “daughter killers:”
The ensuing
association between Jats and female infanticide can be clearly seen in the
famous Punjabi saga of Hir Ranjha. In its most illustrious version associated
with bard Waris Shah (1978:44), the various methods utilised in the killing of
infant daughters were spelled out. They included strangulation, poisoning,
drowning and suffocation.2
How is it possible that
egalitarian Jats who believed in the equality of men and women also practiced
female infanticide on a large scale as claimed by Jakobsh? Is it a fabrication
of her scheming mind?
Similarly, as discussed
earlier, she says that the Sikh Gurus did not do any thing to ameliorate the
problems of women, or they were ambivalent about their situation, or they were
biased against them or critical of them:
“Significantly,
the fourth Guru was highly critical of women in his writings.”19
A few paragraphs before the
above remark about the fourth Guru, Jakobsh argues:
Given the
egalitarian nature of the Jats in the early Indo-Islamic period, it is possible
that it was the women in particular who were attracted to the message of
emancipation of the Sikh gurus and, consequently, to full participation in the
developing Sikh Community. A number of factors point to this development.
One, the message
of the Sikh gurus with regard to salvation was accessible to both women and
men; two, there are strains within sources (though typically barely audible)
which point to women as having been active participants in the developing
community; three, Guru Amar Das’ criticism of society with regard to the
situation of women; four, the plausibility of missionary activities by women
also during the time of Guru Amar Das, resulting most certainly in active
outreach towards women; and five; scriptural indications of an influx of women
into the Sikh panth during the time of fourth guru.20
I wonder whether Professor
Jakobsh habitually writes with imbedded contradictions! Her mentors
at the UBC failed to correct her. Is it a case of mentors showing
ignorance of the subject matter? One may ask why
the egalitarian Jats, especially their women folk would join the Sikh movement,
which according to Jakobsh discriminated against them and, especially at the
time of fourth Guru who she believes was highly critical of women?
References
1. Doris R. Jakobsh. Relocating
Gender In Sikh History: Transformation,
Meaning and Identity. New Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 2003, p. 103.
2. Ibid., pp. 40-41.
3. Ibid., pp. 32-33.
4. J. D. Cunningham. History Of The Sikhs. New Delhi: D. K.
Publishers Distributors (P) Ltd., reprint, 1996, pp. vii-viii.
5. Ibid., pp. xviii-xix.
6. Ibid., p. ix.
7. Sangat
Singh. The Sikhs In History. New
Delhi: Uncommon Books, 4th edition, 2001, pp. 99-103.
8. Ibid., p. 103.
9. Ganda Singh. Punjab Dian Varan (Punjabi). Amritsar,
1946, pp. 170-174.
10. Max A. Macauliffe. The Sikh Religion Vols. I & II. New Delhi: Low Price Publications, reprint, 1993, Vol. I, pp. xviii-xix.
11. Harjot
Oberoi. The Construction of Religious
Boundaries: Culture, Identity and Diversity in the Sikh Tradition. New
Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1994, p. 210.
12. Jagjit Singh. The Sikh Revolution: A Perspective View. New
Delhi: Bahri Publications, 4th reprint, 1998, pp. 50-51.
13. Jit S. Sital. Bulleh Shah: Jiwan Te Rachna (Punjabi).
Patiala: Punjabi University, third reprint, 1988.
14. Sangat
Singh. The Sikhs In History. New
Delhi: Uncommon Books, 4th edition, 2001, pp. 106-07.
15. Harinder Singh Mehboob. Sehje Rachio Khalsa (Punjabi). Amritsar:
Singh Bothers, 2000, p. 1113. A Review of Guru
Hargobindji, His Life and Times by Hardit Singh: Abstracts of Sikh Studies, 1996, October-December, pp. 76-79.
16. Sangat
Singh. The Sikhs In History. New
Delhi: Uncommon Books, 4th edition, 2001, pp. 99-100.
17. Ibid., p.
106.
18. Ibid., p.
106.
19. Doris R. Jakobsh. Relocating
Gender In Sikh History: Transformation,
Meaning and Identity. New Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 2003, p. 103.
20. Ibid.,
pp. 33-34.
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